High Court stays workers' right of unemployment allowance

High Court stays workers' right of unemployment allowance

The affirmative and bold step taken by the Department of Rural Development in Uttar Pradesh to pay unemployment allowance to laborers of district Sitapur under the NREGA Act was challenged by the BDOs in the Lucknow bench of Allahabad High Court.

The Hon High Court has reaffirmed and upheld the jurisdiction and authority of the Commissioner Rural Development and has directed the Commissioner to give a hearing to the petitioners and ensure that payment is made to deserving persons only.

The Dept of Rural Development had indeed taken a very commendable step by upholding the Constitutional right of workers for unemployment allowance which is a right guaranteed to them if they do not get employment within the stipulated time period. (Schedule III Para 7 of the Act)

The amount has to be paid from the state treasury and not from the wages made available by central funds.

Incidentally, under the NREGA no laborer is prevented from working elsewhere. The state is bound to provide 100 days of labour failing which it has to give unemployment allowance if demanded.

The committee which was constituted at the district level to look into the whole issue of unemployment allowance in Sitapur was chaired by an SDM rank officer along with two more government officers along with representatives of the organization which raised the issue. The beneficiaries were part of the committee as NREGA itself gives power of social audit to the workers whose participation is in keeping with the basic spirit of the act.

I would like to underline that NREGA completes three years on February 2. However, in UP it has made commendable progress only during the last one year. The present administration has sensitively implemented the Act in its true spirit. This has been in terms of developing effective grievance redressal mechanism and introducing worker and gender friendly Schedule of Rate (SOR) to measure the workers’ output.

NREGA however, is not in the pink of health in the state. There are issues which still need to be addressed such as checking corruption and pilferage, increasing coverage and ensuring work to the needy and facilitating smooth payment.

It needs to be seen if the state government manages to check incidents like the one which recently occurred in Hardoi. Here an influential pradhan under patronage of a ruling party minister physically manhandled workers demanding their right to work. The acid test for the state government lies in rising above political pressure to ensure the right of workers as guaranteed under the Act.

Arundhati Dhuru
Advisor to the Supreme Court Commissioners in the Right to Food case
Phone: 94150 22772

Published in: The Times of India

High Court stays workers' right of unemployment allowance

High Court stays workers' right of unemployment allowance

The affirmative and bold step taken by the Department of Rural Development in Uttar Pradesh to pay unemployment allowance to laborers of district Sitapur under the NREGA Act was challenged by the BDOs in the Lucknow bench of Allahabad High Court.

The Hon High Court has reaffirmed and upheld the jurisdiction and authority of the Commissioner Rural Development and has directed the Commissioner to give a hearing to the petitioners and ensure that payment is made to deserving persons only.

The Dept of Rural Development had indeed taken a very commendable step by upholding the Constitutional right of workers for unemployment allowance which is a right guaranteed to them if they do not get employment within the stipulated time period. (Schedule III Para 7 of the Act)

The amount has to be paid from the state treasury and not from the wages made available by central funds.

Incidentally, under the NREGA no laborer is prevented from working elsewhere. The state is bound to provide 100 days of labour failing which it has to give unemployment allowance if demanded.

The committee which was constituted at the district level to look into the whole issue of unemployment allowance in Sitapur was chaired by an SDM rank officer along with two more government officers along with representatives of the organization which raised the issue. The beneficiaries were part of the committee as NREGA itself gives power of social audit to the workers whose participation is in keeping with the basic spirit of the act.

I would like to underline that NREGA completes three years on February 2. However, in UP it has made commendable progress only during the last one year. The present administration has sensitively implemented the Act in its true spirit. This has been in terms of developing effective grievance redressal mechanism and introducing worker and gender friendly Schedule of Rate (SOR) to measure the workers’ output.

NREGA however, is not in the pink of health in the state. There are issues which still need to be addressed such as checking corruption and pilferage, increasing coverage and ensuring work to the needy and facilitating smooth payment.

It needs to be seen if the state government manages to check incidents like the one which recently occurred in Hardoi. Here an influential pradhan under patronage of a ruling party minister physically manhandled workers demanding their right to work. The acid test for the state government lies in rising above political pressure to ensure the right of workers as guaranteed under the Act.

Arundhati Dhuru
Advisor to the Supreme Court Commissioners in the Right to Food case
Phone: 94150 22772

Published in: The Times of India

BSP's Abdul Mannan urged not to shield those who beat dalit workers

BSP's Abdul Mannan urged not to shield those who beat dalit workers



A Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) office-bearer Ghanshyam rained baton rods on dalit workers on 14 January 2009. Ghanshaym is the husband of Urmila Devi, who is the Gram Pradhan of Gram Panchayat Aira Kake Mau, Block Bharawan, District Hardoi, UP. Ghanshyam is also the BSP Treasurer from the Vidhan Sabha constituency of Minister for Science and Technology in UP Government, Abdul Mannan.



The main grievances of these dalit workers was that they had been paid less than what was due to them under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS) and their Job Cards were either not given to them or contained arbitrary entries. The dalit workers had come to inspect the NREGS documents in accordance with the right of social audit given under the NREG Act, when they were beaten mercilessly by BSP office-bearer Ghanshyam.



The BSP cabinet minister Abdul Mannan is scheduled to visit the same Gram Panchayat of Aira Kake Mau in Bharawan block (Hardoi district, UP) on Saturday, 31 January 2009. "If a senior BSP cabinet minister Abdul Mannan will support a person like Ghanshyam who has mercilessly beaten up the dalit workers, then activists will believe that BSP is supporting and protecting the human rights abusers of dalit workers" said Neelkamal, who is the people's nominee for the 2009 elections from this region.



The people of this region have strongly condemned the increasing criminalization and corruption in politics. Hundreds of them descended in the state capital of Lucknow to stage a massive demonstration to press their demand that Abdul Mannan should not shield those who beat dalit people.



Ironically BSP has been claiming to be championing the cause of dalits. This is a blatant example where a BSP office bearer had been exploiting dalit workers, denying them their due and manhandling them in broad daylight as well. Instead of supporting the cause of dalit welfare and advocating for strict action against Ghanshyam, BSP’s cabinet minister Abdul Mannan is likely to support Ghanshyam by going to the same gram panchayat and participating in his programmes. "Is this the manner in which BSP is going to protect dalit people?" asks Neelkamal.



The activists of National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) and Asha Parivar are resolute to challenge this rampant corruption and criminalization of politics from now on.



"In her past stints as Chief Minister, Mayawati has given little attention to the well being of dalits. Dalits found it as tough to get cases registered under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act as ever and state SC/ST Commission provided no relief either. Matters related to violence against women also suffered a casualty in her regime. Neither did the situation of landless dalits, hoping to take possession of their legitimate pieces of land allotted to them by the panchayats, improved. All the other benefits through the panchayats continued to be siphoned-off by the unscrupulous elements. There was no clamp on corruption in the various schemes which could have possibly resulted in more benefits flowing to the dalits. With the possible exception of Ambedkar villages there was no overall improvement in delivery efficiency of the administrative system or justice to the poor" had said Dr Sandeep Pandey, Ramon Magsaysay Awardee (2002) in an article published years ago. The situation hasn't changed much since then, as BSP Supremo Mayawati's regime continues.



[Photo caption: top - the dalit workers from Hardoi village who were beaten by BSP office bearer Ghyanshyam are staging a dharna opposite Vidhan Sabha in state capital of Lucknow; middle - senior Narmada Bachao Andolan social activist and Advisor to Supreme Court Commissioner on Right to Food Arundhati Dhuru; bottom - Neelkamal - the native of Bharawan block in Hardoi who is a nominated candidate for Member of Parliament elections 2009 from the same constituency this year]



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BSP's Abdul Mannan urged not to shield those who beat dalit workers

BSP's Abdul Mannan urged not to shield those who beat dalit workers



A Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) office-bearer Ghanshyam rained baton rods on dalit workers on 14 January 2009. Ghanshaym is the husband of Urmila Devi, who is the Gram Pradhan of Gram Panchayat Aira Kake Mau, Block Bharawan, District Hardoi, UP. Ghanshyam is also the BSP Treasurer from the Vidhan Sabha constituency of Minister for Science and Technology in UP Government, Abdul Mannan.



The main grievances of these dalit workers was that they had been paid less than what was due to them under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS) and their Job Cards were either not given to them or contained arbitrary entries. The dalit workers had come to inspect the NREGS documents in accordance with the right of social audit given under the NREG Act, when they were beaten mercilessly by BSP office-bearer Ghanshyam.



The BSP cabinet minister Abdul Mannan is scheduled to visit the same Gram Panchayat of Aira Kake Mau in Bharawan block (Hardoi district, UP) on Saturday, 31 January 2009. "If a senior BSP cabinet minister Abdul Mannan will support a person like Ghanshyam who has mercilessly beaten up the dalit workers, then activists will believe that BSP is supporting and protecting the human rights abusers of dalit workers" said Neelkamal, who is the people's nominee for the 2009 elections from this region.



The people of this region have strongly condemned the increasing criminalization and corruption in politics. Hundreds of them descended in the state capital of Lucknow to stage a massive demonstration to press their demand that Abdul Mannan should not shield those who beat dalit people.



Ironically BSP has been claiming to be championing the cause of dalits. This is a blatant example where a BSP office bearer had been exploiting dalit workers, denying them their due and manhandling them in broad daylight as well. Instead of supporting the cause of dalit welfare and advocating for strict action against Ghanshyam, BSP’s cabinet minister Abdul Mannan is likely to support Ghanshyam by going to the same gram panchayat and participating in his programmes. "Is this the manner in which BSP is going to protect dalit people?" asks Neelkamal.



The activists of National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) and Asha Parivar are resolute to challenge this rampant corruption and criminalization of politics from now on.



"In her past stints as Chief Minister, Mayawati has given little attention to the well being of dalits. Dalits found it as tough to get cases registered under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act as ever and state SC/ST Commission provided no relief either. Matters related to violence against women also suffered a casualty in her regime. Neither did the situation of landless dalits, hoping to take possession of their legitimate pieces of land allotted to them by the panchayats, improved. All the other benefits through the panchayats continued to be siphoned-off by the unscrupulous elements. There was no clamp on corruption in the various schemes which could have possibly resulted in more benefits flowing to the dalits. With the possible exception of Ambedkar villages there was no overall improvement in delivery efficiency of the administrative system or justice to the poor" had said Dr Sandeep Pandey, Ramon Magsaysay Awardee (2002) in an article published years ago. The situation hasn't changed much since then, as BSP Supremo Mayawati's regime continues.



[Photo caption: top - the dalit workers from Hardoi village who were beaten by BSP office bearer Ghyanshyam are staging a dharna opposite Vidhan Sabha in state capital of Lucknow; middle - senior Narmada Bachao Andolan social activist and Advisor to Supreme Court Commissioner on Right to Food Arundhati Dhuru; bottom - Neelkamal - the native of Bharawan block in Hardoi who is a nominated candidate for Member of Parliament elections 2009 from the same constituency this year]



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Shankar Singh: From a tout to an activist

Shankar Singh: From a tout to an activist

Shankar Singh was a tout at the Road Transport Office earlier and used to get people’s work done by paying bribes to the officials and take his own cut. Today he is a right to information activist working with a team in Kanpur to check corruption not just at the road transport office but also at other offices.

Born to a family of JK Jute Mill worker, his early days were tough. His father met with an accident and had to leave the job. He became an associate of communist leader S.N. Banerji and started a restaurant named Raja Tea Stall which was managed by eight of the twelve children who survived in the family. As Shankar grew up he managed to get a job with the Roshan Transport Company. He was paid Rs. 2000 a month to be stationed at the RTO to take care of the company’s work there. He used to get the roads and goods tax deposited. He used to take care of license, fitness, permit and registration of new vehicles. In 2006 he was unknowingly involved in the illegal sale of a Maruti van which was bought with loan from a company. When the new owner sought loan from another company, the first company objected as its payments were still pending and a complaint was filed. Shankar Singh was beaten by a clerk on the directions of the officer. This provoked his conscience. He decided to take on the system. He lodged complaints with the Chief Minister and the Commissioner about irregularities in the RTO. The Commissioner and the officer at RTO worked out a compromise for him and the clerk was made to apologize to him. That is how his file was closed.

But now he did not want to go back to the rotten system. He saw news about right to information campaign in the newspapers. He was attracted by it. He decided to go to the camp. Before he realized, he became a volunteer with the right to information campaign in Kanpur city. At the RTO where a learning license which costs Rs. 60 but is made for Rs. 200 and the regular license which costs Rs. 140 but is made for Rs. 350, when Shankar and his friends decided to organize a RTI camp, the licenses were made for the actual fees. His role was reversed. He was no longer facilitating corruption. He was there to check it. The staff of the office was terrorized by his presence.

Shankar now finds himself in a piquant situation. 1200 of his old colleagues, who prefer to call themselves as ‘transport advisors’ and are formally registered as ‘Parivahan Salahkar Samiti’ since 1982 as a society, want their profession to be legitimized. They claim that if their role is officially recognized and they are authorized to charge a legitimate fees for the service they render, they would stop facilitating corruption at the RTO. They have told Shankar that if he wants a corruption free system then he must lead the struggle for their livelihood rights. On the other hand Shankar has vowed that he would not allow any corruption to take place at the RTO even if it means going against his own former colleagues.

Shankar Singh joined the first RTI camp in Kanpur city on 15th November, 2006, the conclusion of which was attended by Central Government Minister Shriprakash Jaiswal, also the MP from Kanpur . Since then over the last two years Shankar Singh must have been present as a volunteer in hundreds of camps. There are about ten camps organized every month with two to three averaging per week. Anywhere from 50 to 200 applications are prepared in these camps which are filed in different government offices. Most of the applications are concerned with Kanpur Development Authority, Nagar Nigam, Kanpur Electricity Supply Corporation, Water Board, Police, RTO, Social Welfare Department, District Supply Office, Basic Shiksha Adhikari, Kanpur University , Awas-Vikas, Banks, Passport, District Magistrate’s office, etc. Recently after results for the High School were announced there was a huge number of students wanting to know whether they could see their answer books. The Kanpur Right to Information Campaign Committee, of which Shanker Singh is now a permanent and important part, immediately organized a six day camp in which 1200 students filed applications seeking photocopies of their answer books for various subjects. They suspect that they have not been fairly evaluated and would like to verify this. The RTI campaign has generated an empowering awareness among people as a result of which people feel that they can ask legitimate questions as their democratic right.

In May 2008 Shankar Singh also participated in a social audit of National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme in the Miyaganj Block of neighbouring Unnao District. He now feels that his responsibility as a concerned citizen are not just limited to Kanpur city. As his horizon of understanding broadens he feels a growing commitment within him for other social issues too. He spent nine days in rural areas of Unnao trying to understand the way the village panchayats and the Block Development Office functions and how the vested interests are responsible for siphoning off huge sums of money from government schemes and how the papers are fudged. He proved to be an important member of his social audit team too which visited various villagers and interacted with ordinary village labourers and interviewed them to find deficiencies in the implementation of NREGS.

Shankar Singh’s life has taken an about turn. From slipping into the ever deadly world of corruption and crime he has dragged himself out with some effort and placed himself in a position from where he is rising everyday as a shining star. He has become synonymous for hope for many a people who have been victimized in some way. And Shankar is full of optimism. He always encourages people to stand up and fight for their rights. His exuberance inspires confidence in others.

Shankar Singh’s dream is now to serve the people from even bigger platforms. He wishes to contest an election some day. He has realized that the small battles that he is now fighting every day would become a little bit easier if he acquires a legitimate constitutional position. He wishes to serve more people and at a faster rate.

Dr Sandeep Pandey

(The author is a Ramon Magsaysay Awardee (2002) for emergent leadership, heads the National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM) and did his PhD from University of California, Berkeley in control theory which is applicable in missile technology. He taught at Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Kanpur before devoting his life to strengthening people's movements in early 1990s. He can be contacted at: ashaashram@yahoo.com, www.ashaparivar.org)

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Shankar Singh: From a tout to an activist

Shankar Singh: From a tout to an activist

Shankar Singh was a tout at the Road Transport Office earlier and used to get people’s work done by paying bribes to the officials and take his own cut. Today he is a right to information activist working with a team in Kanpur to check corruption not just at the road transport office but also at other offices.

Born to a family of JK Jute Mill worker, his early days were tough. His father met with an accident and had to leave the job. He became an associate of communist leader S.N. Banerji and started a restaurant named Raja Tea Stall which was managed by eight of the twelve children who survived in the family. As Shankar grew up he managed to get a job with the Roshan Transport Company. He was paid Rs. 2000 a month to be stationed at the RTO to take care of the company’s work there. He used to get the roads and goods tax deposited. He used to take care of license, fitness, permit and registration of new vehicles. In 2006 he was unknowingly involved in the illegal sale of a Maruti van which was bought with loan from a company. When the new owner sought loan from another company, the first company objected as its payments were still pending and a complaint was filed. Shankar Singh was beaten by a clerk on the directions of the officer. This provoked his conscience. He decided to take on the system. He lodged complaints with the Chief Minister and the Commissioner about irregularities in the RTO. The Commissioner and the officer at RTO worked out a compromise for him and the clerk was made to apologize to him. That is how his file was closed.

But now he did not want to go back to the rotten system. He saw news about right to information campaign in the newspapers. He was attracted by it. He decided to go to the camp. Before he realized, he became a volunteer with the right to information campaign in Kanpur city. At the RTO where a learning license which costs Rs. 60 but is made for Rs. 200 and the regular license which costs Rs. 140 but is made for Rs. 350, when Shankar and his friends decided to organize a RTI camp, the licenses were made for the actual fees. His role was reversed. He was no longer facilitating corruption. He was there to check it. The staff of the office was terrorized by his presence.

Shankar now finds himself in a piquant situation. 1200 of his old colleagues, who prefer to call themselves as ‘transport advisors’ and are formally registered as ‘Parivahan Salahkar Samiti’ since 1982 as a society, want their profession to be legitimized. They claim that if their role is officially recognized and they are authorized to charge a legitimate fees for the service they render, they would stop facilitating corruption at the RTO. They have told Shankar that if he wants a corruption free system then he must lead the struggle for their livelihood rights. On the other hand Shankar has vowed that he would not allow any corruption to take place at the RTO even if it means going against his own former colleagues.

Shankar Singh joined the first RTI camp in Kanpur city on 15th November, 2006, the conclusion of which was attended by Central Government Minister Shriprakash Jaiswal, also the MP from Kanpur . Since then over the last two years Shankar Singh must have been present as a volunteer in hundreds of camps. There are about ten camps organized every month with two to three averaging per week. Anywhere from 50 to 200 applications are prepared in these camps which are filed in different government offices. Most of the applications are concerned with Kanpur Development Authority, Nagar Nigam, Kanpur Electricity Supply Corporation, Water Board, Police, RTO, Social Welfare Department, District Supply Office, Basic Shiksha Adhikari, Kanpur University , Awas-Vikas, Banks, Passport, District Magistrate’s office, etc. Recently after results for the High School were announced there was a huge number of students wanting to know whether they could see their answer books. The Kanpur Right to Information Campaign Committee, of which Shanker Singh is now a permanent and important part, immediately organized a six day camp in which 1200 students filed applications seeking photocopies of their answer books for various subjects. They suspect that they have not been fairly evaluated and would like to verify this. The RTI campaign has generated an empowering awareness among people as a result of which people feel that they can ask legitimate questions as their democratic right.

In May 2008 Shankar Singh also participated in a social audit of National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme in the Miyaganj Block of neighbouring Unnao District. He now feels that his responsibility as a concerned citizen are not just limited to Kanpur city. As his horizon of understanding broadens he feels a growing commitment within him for other social issues too. He spent nine days in rural areas of Unnao trying to understand the way the village panchayats and the Block Development Office functions and how the vested interests are responsible for siphoning off huge sums of money from government schemes and how the papers are fudged. He proved to be an important member of his social audit team too which visited various villagers and interacted with ordinary village labourers and interviewed them to find deficiencies in the implementation of NREGS.

Shankar Singh’s life has taken an about turn. From slipping into the ever deadly world of corruption and crime he has dragged himself out with some effort and placed himself in a position from where he is rising everyday as a shining star. He has become synonymous for hope for many a people who have been victimized in some way. And Shankar is full of optimism. He always encourages people to stand up and fight for their rights. His exuberance inspires confidence in others.

Shankar Singh’s dream is now to serve the people from even bigger platforms. He wishes to contest an election some day. He has realized that the small battles that he is now fighting every day would become a little bit easier if he acquires a legitimate constitutional position. He wishes to serve more people and at a faster rate.

Dr Sandeep Pandey

(The author is a Ramon Magsaysay Awardee (2002) for emergent leadership, heads the National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM) and did his PhD from University of California, Berkeley in control theory which is applicable in missile technology. He taught at Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Kanpur before devoting his life to strengthening people's movements in early 1990s. He can be contacted at: ashaashram@yahoo.com, www.ashaparivar.org)

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Ideal of tribal self-rule degenerates into a police state

Ideal of tribal self-rule degenerates into a police state

On 6th December, 2008, the Jharkhand Police opened fire on a procession of tribals, numbering between eight to ten thousands, 3 m from Kathikund in Dumka district. The tribals were protesting against the setting up of a 1000 MW coal based power plant in Aamgachhi-Pokhariya villages of the area as well the earlier arrest of their colleagues Munni Hansda, Charan Kumar, Hopna Baski and Rajcharan Murmu. One tribal Lakhiram Tudu was killed, 7 suffered bullet injuries, 15 people, including women, were severely beaten. 9 people, including a rickshaw puller and a driver, were arrested. People who suffered bullet injuries were also arrested and when in hospital they were shackled to the bed. 2 people who have suffered bullet injuries are not coming out to get treatment from the government hospital for the fear of being arrested. The district administration and the government has branded the organizations leading the protests, Jharkhand Ulgulan Manch and Jharkhand Hulgulan Mahila Manch as Maoists.

The fact of the matter is that in October about four to five thousands strong gathering of tribals under the leadership of Munni Hansda had gheraoed the SP for three days continuously. This blockade was so peaceful and disciplined that the administration couldn't get a chance to take any action against it. But the administration, whose authority was seriously challenged, was waiting for an opportunity to get back at the people. First they filed a case against Munni and colleagues for having stolen a motorcycle belonging to her husband from the police station and arrested her on 26th November, 2008. The motorcycle was earlier confiscated by the police.

The Deputy Commissioner Prashant Kumar of Dumka claimed that the 6th December procession had nothing to do with the power plant issue but the people had come to secure the release of Munni and her colleagues, However, if Munni was arrested only because of the motorcycle theft issue, people would not have come out in such large numbers in her support.

An earlier DC Mastram Meena had come to the Gram Sabha meeting and endorsed a resolution opposing the land acquisition for the power plant project by putting his signature on the minutes of the Gram Sabha meeting, He respected the people's opinion but was transferred within a week of this incident.

According to the Santhal Paraganas Tenancy Act, The Provisions of Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996, Schedule V and Article 243 of the Constitution (73rd Amendment) the Gram Sabha has the right to determine how it would use its natural resources. The ideal of tribal self rule is enshrined in the abovementioned constitutional-legal provisions. The State government cannot take an action which violates this spirit.

When the district administration imposed section 144 in Dumka on 2nd December, the people declared a Janata Curfew in the area forbidding any police from entering their villages without the permission of the Gram Sabha. After the firing on 6th December, they decided to organize black day for 7 days in their villages by being in the open. In spite of the cold, children, women, old and youth-all stay put in their fields for a week to protest against the killing.

I went to Dumka along with activists of JUM on 27th December, 2008, and tried to meet Munni and Charan Kumar in the Jail. However, we were not allowed to meet them on the pretext that the meeting day is Tuesdays and that some people had met them on 23rd and 25th December and hence nobody could meet them now for the next 8 days.

We proceeded towards, Aamgachhi-Pokhariya to meet the villagers. However, we were stopped by a police vehicle coming from the front after having gone about 20 km from Dumka in the direction of Kathikun. Our identity cards were checked. We were neither asked about our destination nor the purpose of visit. The police asked Baijnath Prasad Beju, a JUM activist accompanying us to go into their jeep and told us to turn our vehicle and come to the Town Police Station. Two policemen accompanied us in our jeep.

After reaching the Town PS in Dumka the Deputy S.P. informed us that since Baijnath's name also figured in the FIR filed after the 6th December incident, he had to be arrested. He obviously didn't tell us why the remaining of us were asked to come to the PS.

The Jharkhand Police is obviously trying to create an atmosphere of terror in the region. The administration is restricting visitors to meet the jailed activists and the free movement of people. One doesn't find such restrictions in even troubled areas like J&K and the Northeast.

Jharkhand was created with the ideal of tribal self rule. However, the administration and the government, ironically till recently headed by a man who was the leader of the tribal autonomy movement, but is now finding hard to even win an election, has for the time being decided to convert in into a police state. The government, like the governments at the Centre as well as other States, has decided to collude with the private corporations to exploit the natural resources for profit without giving any consideration to the interests of the people. In spite of the lofty ideals of tribal movement that preceded the creation of the state, now the government, ignoring all the constitutional-legal provisions safeguarding the interests of the tribals, has chosen to use the anachronistic Land Acquisition Act of 1894 and anti-people authoritarian ways to dispossess people of their land - the only source of their livelihood. When encountered with a strong people's resistance it has chosen to defame and discredit the movement. The government doesn't want the political power to flow to the people in accordance with the self rule concept but considers it its prerogative to thrust decisions from top. It has left the tribals wondering about the purpose of the movement that they had been part of for so long for the creation of the state. Interestingly, some of the activists in the movement today against the government, who are being branded as Maoists, were fighting along with the Shibu Soren in the earlier movement.

Dr Sandeep Pandey

(The author is a Ramon Magsaysay Awardee (2002) for emergent leadership, heads the National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM) and did his PhD from University of California, Berkeley in control theory which is applicable in missile technology. He taught at Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Kanpur before devoting his life to strengthening people's movements in early 1990s. He can be contacted at: ashaashram@yahoo.com, www.ashaparivar.org)

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Ideal of tribal self-rule degenerates into a police state

Ideal of tribal self-rule degenerates into a police state

On 6th December, 2008, the Jharkhand Police opened fire on a procession of tribals, numbering between eight to ten thousands, 3 m from Kathikund in Dumka district. The tribals were protesting against the setting up of a 1000 MW coal based power plant in Aamgachhi-Pokhariya villages of the area as well the earlier arrest of their colleagues Munni Hansda, Charan Kumar, Hopna Baski and Rajcharan Murmu. One tribal Lakhiram Tudu was killed, 7 suffered bullet injuries, 15 people, including women, were severely beaten. 9 people, including a rickshaw puller and a driver, were arrested. People who suffered bullet injuries were also arrested and when in hospital they were shackled to the bed. 2 people who have suffered bullet injuries are not coming out to get treatment from the government hospital for the fear of being arrested. The district administration and the government has branded the organizations leading the protests, Jharkhand Ulgulan Manch and Jharkhand Hulgulan Mahila Manch as Maoists.

The fact of the matter is that in October about four to five thousands strong gathering of tribals under the leadership of Munni Hansda had gheraoed the SP for three days continuously. This blockade was so peaceful and disciplined that the administration couldn't get a chance to take any action against it. But the administration, whose authority was seriously challenged, was waiting for an opportunity to get back at the people. First they filed a case against Munni and colleagues for having stolen a motorcycle belonging to her husband from the police station and arrested her on 26th November, 2008. The motorcycle was earlier confiscated by the police.

The Deputy Commissioner Prashant Kumar of Dumka claimed that the 6th December procession had nothing to do with the power plant issue but the people had come to secure the release of Munni and her colleagues, However, if Munni was arrested only because of the motorcycle theft issue, people would not have come out in such large numbers in her support.

An earlier DC Mastram Meena had come to the Gram Sabha meeting and endorsed a resolution opposing the land acquisition for the power plant project by putting his signature on the minutes of the Gram Sabha meeting, He respected the people's opinion but was transferred within a week of this incident.

According to the Santhal Paraganas Tenancy Act, The Provisions of Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996, Schedule V and Article 243 of the Constitution (73rd Amendment) the Gram Sabha has the right to determine how it would use its natural resources. The ideal of tribal self rule is enshrined in the abovementioned constitutional-legal provisions. The State government cannot take an action which violates this spirit.

When the district administration imposed section 144 in Dumka on 2nd December, the people declared a Janata Curfew in the area forbidding any police from entering their villages without the permission of the Gram Sabha. After the firing on 6th December, they decided to organize black day for 7 days in their villages by being in the open. In spite of the cold, children, women, old and youth-all stay put in their fields for a week to protest against the killing.

I went to Dumka along with activists of JUM on 27th December, 2008, and tried to meet Munni and Charan Kumar in the Jail. However, we were not allowed to meet them on the pretext that the meeting day is Tuesdays and that some people had met them on 23rd and 25th December and hence nobody could meet them now for the next 8 days.

We proceeded towards, Aamgachhi-Pokhariya to meet the villagers. However, we were stopped by a police vehicle coming from the front after having gone about 20 km from Dumka in the direction of Kathikun. Our identity cards were checked. We were neither asked about our destination nor the purpose of visit. The police asked Baijnath Prasad Beju, a JUM activist accompanying us to go into their jeep and told us to turn our vehicle and come to the Town Police Station. Two policemen accompanied us in our jeep.

After reaching the Town PS in Dumka the Deputy S.P. informed us that since Baijnath's name also figured in the FIR filed after the 6th December incident, he had to be arrested. He obviously didn't tell us why the remaining of us were asked to come to the PS.

The Jharkhand Police is obviously trying to create an atmosphere of terror in the region. The administration is restricting visitors to meet the jailed activists and the free movement of people. One doesn't find such restrictions in even troubled areas like J&K and the Northeast.

Jharkhand was created with the ideal of tribal self rule. However, the administration and the government, ironically till recently headed by a man who was the leader of the tribal autonomy movement, but is now finding hard to even win an election, has for the time being decided to convert in into a police state. The government, like the governments at the Centre as well as other States, has decided to collude with the private corporations to exploit the natural resources for profit without giving any consideration to the interests of the people. In spite of the lofty ideals of tribal movement that preceded the creation of the state, now the government, ignoring all the constitutional-legal provisions safeguarding the interests of the tribals, has chosen to use the anachronistic Land Acquisition Act of 1894 and anti-people authoritarian ways to dispossess people of their land - the only source of their livelihood. When encountered with a strong people's resistance it has chosen to defame and discredit the movement. The government doesn't want the political power to flow to the people in accordance with the self rule concept but considers it its prerogative to thrust decisions from top. It has left the tribals wondering about the purpose of the movement that they had been part of for so long for the creation of the state. Interestingly, some of the activists in the movement today against the government, who are being branded as Maoists, were fighting along with the Shibu Soren in the earlier movement.

Dr Sandeep Pandey

(The author is a Ramon Magsaysay Awardee (2002) for emergent leadership, heads the National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM) and did his PhD from University of California, Berkeley in control theory which is applicable in missile technology. He taught at Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Kanpur before devoting his life to strengthening people's movements in early 1990s. He can be contacted at: ashaashram@yahoo.com, www.ashaparivar.org)

Published in
Asian Tribune, Thailand/ Sri Lanka
Thai Indian news, Bangkok, Thailand
Two Circles
Bihar and Jharkhand News Service (BJNS)
News from Bangladesh, Dhaka, Bangladesh
Howrah News Service (HNS), West Bengal
The Colombo Times, Colombo, Sri Lanka
News Trust, USA
Media for Freedom, Kathmandu, Nepal
The Seoul Times, Seoul, South Korea
News Track India, Delhi
Citizen News Service (CNS)
Bihar Times, Patna, Bihar

Farmer Field Schools - a unique way to teach farmers

Farmer Field Schools - a unique way to teach farmers

Farmer Field Schools (FFS) is a unique way to educate farmers and is an effective platform for sharing of experiences and collectively solving agriculture related problems. The first FFS were designed and managed by the UN Food and Agriculture Organization in Indonesia in 1989. Since then more than two million farmers across Asia have participated in this type of learning. During the 1970s it became increasingly apparent that pest resistance and resurgence caused by the indiscriminate use of insecticides posed an immediate threat to the gains of the Green Revolution. At the same time, new researches demonstrated the viability of biological control of major rice pests.

However, gaps still existed between the science generated in research institutions and common farmer practices, conditioned by years of aggressive promotion of pesticide use. Over the ensuing years, a number of approaches were tried to bring integrated pest management (IPM) to small farmers - particularly rice farmers - in Asia, with mixed results. Some experts claimed that the principles of IPM were too complex for small farmers to master, and that centrally-designed messages were still the only way to convince farmers to change their practices. By the end of the 1980s, a new approach to farmer training emerged in Indonesia called the 'Farmer Field School' (FFS). These field schools were designed basically to address the problem of lack of knowledge among Asian farmers relating to agro ecology, particularly the relationship between insect pests and beneficial insects.

The Farmer Field School brings together concepts and methods from agro ecology, experiential education and community development. These FFS were initiated based on two premises. Firstly, although farming itself is done mainly on individual farms, the rural community plays an essential role in farmer's strategies for survival and development. Farmers like to get together to share information and other forms of mutual support with others whom they trust. Secondly, farmers have a tradition of developing and applying technologies and refining it through experiences. They learn tacitly – learning by doing.

In this regard Dr. Shiraj A Wajih, President of Gorakhpur Environmental Action Group and member of State Agriculture Committee of Uttar Pradesh said, "The FFS approach is built around these two premises. It responds directly to the information needs of the small marginal woman farmers who have been largely neglected in conventional extension systems. The FFS offers farmers the opportunity to learn by sharing, by being involved in experimentation, discussion and decision-making. This strengthens the sense of ownership of rural communities in technological packages and evolving new knowledge and skills."

In the FFS process, village meetings are conducted and a seasonal action plan is prepared at the beginning of the year. A fortnight before the FFS day, problem cards are distributed to the farmers wherein they enter the problems encountered by them in their fields. The problem cards are collected and distributed to the Master Trainers, who are specialists in their fields, for providing remedial solutions to the problem and for identifying appropriate resource persons. Very often, farmers also invite resource persons and experts from agriculture universities, government departments, etc. to provide valuable inputs and remedial solutions to problems. On the FFS day, participants gather at a common place and the session continues for 4-6 hours. Follow-up session of preceding month's FFS day is also conducted. Participants visit demonstration farm site to observe encouraging changes brought on by the application of suggested remedies. The Gorakhpur Environmental Action Group has been running 12 such farmer schools in two blocks of Gorakhpur district since the last five years.

Amit Dwivedi

(The author is a Special Correspondent to Citizen News Service (CNS). Website: www.citizen-news.org, email: amit@citizen-news.org)

Published in
Central Chronicle, Madhya PRadesh and Chhattisgarh
Assam Times, Guwahati, Assam
The Bangladesh Today, Dhaka, Bangladesh
Ghana News, Accra, Ghana
Bihar and Jharkhand News Service (BJNS)
Kerala News, Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala
The Colombo Times, Colombo, Sri Lanka
News from Bangladesh, Dhaka, Bangladesh
Howrah News Service (HNS), West Bengal
Digg.com
Citizen News Service (CNS)
Bihar Times, Patna, Bihar
Two Circles
Truth Feeds
News Trust, USA
The Seoul Times, Seoul, South Korea
Thai Indian News, Bangkok, Thailand
Media for Freedom, Kathmandu, Nepal
My News, Delhi
Op-Ed News (OEN), USA
Northern Voices, Chandigarh/ Himachal Pradesh
News Track India, Delhi

Farmer Field Schools - a unique way to teach farmers

Farmer Field Schools - a unique way to teach farmers

Farmer Field Schools (FFS) is a unique way to educate farmers and is an effective platform for sharing of experiences and collectively solving agriculture related problems. The first FFS were designed and managed by the UN Food and Agriculture Organization in Indonesia in 1989. Since then more than two million farmers across Asia have participated in this type of learning. During the 1970s it became increasingly apparent that pest resistance and resurgence caused by the indiscriminate use of insecticides posed an immediate threat to the gains of the Green Revolution. At the same time, new researches demonstrated the viability of biological control of major rice pests.

However, gaps still existed between the science generated in research institutions and common farmer practices, conditioned by years of aggressive promotion of pesticide use. Over the ensuing years, a number of approaches were tried to bring integrated pest management (IPM) to small farmers - particularly rice farmers - in Asia, with mixed results. Some experts claimed that the principles of IPM were too complex for small farmers to master, and that centrally-designed messages were still the only way to convince farmers to change their practices. By the end of the 1980s, a new approach to farmer training emerged in Indonesia called the 'Farmer Field School' (FFS). These field schools were designed basically to address the problem of lack of knowledge among Asian farmers relating to agro ecology, particularly the relationship between insect pests and beneficial insects.

The Farmer Field School brings together concepts and methods from agro ecology, experiential education and community development. These FFS were initiated based on two premises. Firstly, although farming itself is done mainly on individual farms, the rural community plays an essential role in farmer's strategies for survival and development. Farmers like to get together to share information and other forms of mutual support with others whom they trust. Secondly, farmers have a tradition of developing and applying technologies and refining it through experiences. They learn tacitly – learning by doing.

In this regard Dr. Shiraj A Wajih, President of Gorakhpur Environmental Action Group and member of State Agriculture Committee of Uttar Pradesh said, "The FFS approach is built around these two premises. It responds directly to the information needs of the small marginal woman farmers who have been largely neglected in conventional extension systems. The FFS offers farmers the opportunity to learn by sharing, by being involved in experimentation, discussion and decision-making. This strengthens the sense of ownership of rural communities in technological packages and evolving new knowledge and skills."

In the FFS process, village meetings are conducted and a seasonal action plan is prepared at the beginning of the year. A fortnight before the FFS day, problem cards are distributed to the farmers wherein they enter the problems encountered by them in their fields. The problem cards are collected and distributed to the Master Trainers, who are specialists in their fields, for providing remedial solutions to the problem and for identifying appropriate resource persons. Very often, farmers also invite resource persons and experts from agriculture universities, government departments, etc. to provide valuable inputs and remedial solutions to problems. On the FFS day, participants gather at a common place and the session continues for 4-6 hours. Follow-up session of preceding month's FFS day is also conducted. Participants visit demonstration farm site to observe encouraging changes brought on by the application of suggested remedies. The Gorakhpur Environmental Action Group has been running 12 such farmer schools in two blocks of Gorakhpur district since the last five years.

Amit Dwivedi

(The author is a Special Correspondent to Citizen News Service (CNS). Website: www.citizen-news.org, email: amit@citizen-news.org)

Published in
Central Chronicle, Madhya PRadesh and Chhattisgarh
Assam Times, Guwahati, Assam
The Bangladesh Today, Dhaka, Bangladesh
Ghana News, Accra, Ghana
Bihar and Jharkhand News Service (BJNS)
Kerala News, Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala
The Colombo Times, Colombo, Sri Lanka
News from Bangladesh, Dhaka, Bangladesh
Howrah News Service (HNS), West Bengal
Digg.com
Citizen News Service (CNS)
Bihar Times, Patna, Bihar
Two Circles
Truth Feeds
News Trust, USA
The Seoul Times, Seoul, South Korea
Thai Indian News, Bangkok, Thailand
Media for Freedom, Kathmandu, Nepal
My News, Delhi
Op-Ed News (OEN), USA
Northern Voices, Chandigarh/ Himachal Pradesh
News Track India, Delhi

Engaging philanthropists: This time it's personal

Engaging philanthropists: This time it's personal

"…I knew I wanted to spend the rest of my life giving my time, money and skills to worthwhile endeavours where I could make a difference. I didn’t know exactly what I would do, but I wanted to help save lives, solve important problems, and give more young people the chance to live their dreams" (1)

While personal philanthropy has always played a role in the non-profit and development world, the tide has been quietly turning in ways that have increased its relative importance to the fundraising efforts of many organizations:

* Institutional donors have come under increasing pressure to reduce their transaction costs – preferring to administer larger grants to fewer organizations.
* The current climate of economic decline and uncertainty in many countries is bringing into question the sustainability of overseas development assistance programmes of industrialized countries and undermining the capital reserves of established foundations.
* Recent foreign exchange rate fluctuations have made the spending value of some secured grants unpredictable.
* Corporate and personal fortunes, combined with an increasing awareness of widespread equity challenges in many nations and communities, are fuelling a new era in philanthropy.

Engaging individual or corporate philanthropists is not simply a matter of sending the same fundraising proposal to a different contact. In many instances, new family foundations and corporate giving programmes reflect a personal motivation to make a difference in the world. In addition to being more ‘business-like’ than institutional donors (e.g. requiring higher levels of clarity and accountability), individual founders are often actively involved in their foundations. This means that understanding the underlying motivation of personal giving is vital to designing a sustainable philanthropy outreach and engagement programme.

Philanthropists are often driven by more personal needs and wants than other donors. They give, at least in part, based on an exchange of values that allows them to:

* enhance their own sense of self-worth
* see themselves in the beneficiaries being served
* do the ‘right’ thing
* create a return (or benefit) on their investment.

Loyalty and trust are key ingredients of philanthropist engagement. They are each commanded by organizations that:

* are seen as leaders in their field
* connect with supporters emotionally
* provide relevance and meaning
* help supporters to make a statement about what they value
* help supporters meet their own vision for the world
* provide them with a sense of belonging to something greater than themselves.

Engaging philanthropists should first be about building relationships based on the assumption that they are interested in the success of your organization, and as a means to mobilize resources second.

"Yesterday, the most successful non-profits were those that donors knew best. Today, the most successful non-profits are those that know their donors best" (2)

References:
1. Former US President Bill Clinton in his book Giving: How each of us can change the world.
2. From: Hart et al (2005): Nonprofit internet strategies: Best practices for marketing, communications and fundraising.

Dr Tim France
(The author is the Managing Director, Inís. Website: www.inis.ie)

Published in
The Gautemala Times, Guatemala
Asian Tribune, Thailand/ Sri Lanka
Ghana News, Accra, Ghana
The Morung Express, Manipur, India
The Seoul Times, Seoul, South Korea
The Standard Times, Sierra Leone
Pakistan Post, Karachi, Pakistan
Media for Freedom, Kathmandu, Nepal
News Track India, Delhi
Bihar Times, Patna, Bihar
Citizen News Service (CNS)
Bihar and Jharkhand News Service (BJNS)

Engaging philanthropists: This time it's personal

Engaging philanthropists: This time it's personal

"…I knew I wanted to spend the rest of my life giving my time, money and skills to worthwhile endeavours where I could make a difference. I didn’t know exactly what I would do, but I wanted to help save lives, solve important problems, and give more young people the chance to live their dreams" (1)

While personal philanthropy has always played a role in the non-profit and development world, the tide has been quietly turning in ways that have increased its relative importance to the fundraising efforts of many organizations:

* Institutional donors have come under increasing pressure to reduce their transaction costs – preferring to administer larger grants to fewer organizations.
* The current climate of economic decline and uncertainty in many countries is bringing into question the sustainability of overseas development assistance programmes of industrialized countries and undermining the capital reserves of established foundations.
* Recent foreign exchange rate fluctuations have made the spending value of some secured grants unpredictable.
* Corporate and personal fortunes, combined with an increasing awareness of widespread equity challenges in many nations and communities, are fuelling a new era in philanthropy.

Engaging individual or corporate philanthropists is not simply a matter of sending the same fundraising proposal to a different contact. In many instances, new family foundations and corporate giving programmes reflect a personal motivation to make a difference in the world. In addition to being more ‘business-like’ than institutional donors (e.g. requiring higher levels of clarity and accountability), individual founders are often actively involved in their foundations. This means that understanding the underlying motivation of personal giving is vital to designing a sustainable philanthropy outreach and engagement programme.

Philanthropists are often driven by more personal needs and wants than other donors. They give, at least in part, based on an exchange of values that allows them to:

* enhance their own sense of self-worth
* see themselves in the beneficiaries being served
* do the ‘right’ thing
* create a return (or benefit) on their investment.

Loyalty and trust are key ingredients of philanthropist engagement. They are each commanded by organizations that:

* are seen as leaders in their field
* connect with supporters emotionally
* provide relevance and meaning
* help supporters to make a statement about what they value
* help supporters meet their own vision for the world
* provide them with a sense of belonging to something greater than themselves.

Engaging philanthropists should first be about building relationships based on the assumption that they are interested in the success of your organization, and as a means to mobilize resources second.

"Yesterday, the most successful non-profits were those that donors knew best. Today, the most successful non-profits are those that know their donors best" (2)

References:
1. Former US President Bill Clinton in his book Giving: How each of us can change the world.
2. From: Hart et al (2005): Nonprofit internet strategies: Best practices for marketing, communications and fundraising.

Dr Tim France
(The author is the Managing Director, Inís. Website: www.inis.ie)

Published in
The Gautemala Times, Guatemala
Asian Tribune, Thailand/ Sri Lanka
Ghana News, Accra, Ghana
The Morung Express, Manipur, India
The Seoul Times, Seoul, South Korea
The Standard Times, Sierra Leone
Pakistan Post, Karachi, Pakistan
Media for Freedom, Kathmandu, Nepal
News Track India, Delhi
Bihar Times, Patna, Bihar
Citizen News Service (CNS)
Bihar and Jharkhand News Service (BJNS)